What is Progresa and how does it work?
Households in treatment villages received a monthly transfer of 90 pesos (approximately US$7) conditional on the completion of the required health components. Each month, PROGRESA officials verified with local medical providers that households had actually completed the required health-care visits.
What was the impact of Progresa on health care?
Sep 24, 2010 · An assessment of propensity score matching as a nonexperimental impact estimator: evidence from Mexico's PROGRESA program. Journal of human resources, 41(2): 319 – 345. [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) use these variables to construct the balancing score in their propensity score matching analysis of Progresa. 13.
What is the Progresa program in Mexico?
the November 1997 ENCASEH and the November 1999 ENCEL data, ... on the PROGRESA treatment dummy variable. ... variables and the PROGRESA dummy variable are also included to test whether the effect .
Did Progresa increase utilization of public clinics?
For Progresa in Mexico, results show a reduction in the likelihood of sole decision-making by husbands with regard to medical treatment, school attendance, and child clothing, due to …
What are gender biases in Latin America?
In Latin America as elsewhere in the world, gender bias and masculine prerogative have prevailed in social policy as in social life more broadly, with entitlements resting on culturally sanctioned and deeply rooted notions of gender difference and patriarchal authority. These have generally accorded with idealized assumptions about the asymmetric social positions occupied by the sexes with male breadwinners and female mother-dependents receiving benefits according to these normative social roles. Such assumptions have proved remarkably universal and enduring even where, as in Latin America, gender divisions have been modified by women’s mass entry into the labour force and by equal rights legislation.
What are the perceptions of cash transfers?
Specifically, we investigate if transfers: 1) induce higher spending on alcohol or tobacco; 2) are fully consumed (rather than invested); 3) create dependency (reduce participation in productive activities); 4) increase fertility; 5) lead to negative community-level economic impacts (including price distortion and inflation), and 6) are fiscally unsustainable. We present evidence refuting each claim, leading to the conclusion that these perceptions – insofar as they are utilized in policy debates – undercut potential improvements in well-being and livelihood strengthening among the poor, which these programmes can bring about in sub-Saharan Africa, and globally. We conclude by underscoring outstanding research gaps and policy implications for the continued expansion of unconditional cash transfers in the region and beyond.
What is CCT in Mexico?
Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs innovate by conditioning transfers to poor families on investments in the human capital of children and other family members. The Mexican CCT program Progresa/Oportunidades began in 1997 and has served as a model for many of the now over sixty countries with CCTs around the world, in large part due to its initial evaluation with an experimental design and numerous follow-up studies. This article reviews the literature on the development, evaluation, and findings of Progresa/Oportunidades, summarizing what is known about program effects, taking into account corrections for multiple-hypothesis testing.
How does the prevailing model of migration in developing countries work?
The prevailing model of migration in developing countries conceives of a risk-diversifying household in which members act as a single entity when making migration decisions. Ethnographic studies challenge this model by documenting gender hierarchy in family decisions and arguing that, in many contexts, men and women have differing views on the value of migration. We assess these perspectives using longitudinal survey data from Mexico. We show that Mexican households are heterogeneous in terms of women's decision-making authority and control over resources, and this variation predicts the subsequent emigration of their male partners to the United States. We then use data from a policy experiment to demonstrate that an exogenous increase in a woman's control over household resources decreases the probability that her spouse migrates. Our findings support the presence of important gender differences in how migration is valued. They also suggest that women's role in these decisions is inadvertently underrepresented in studies of migrant families. Staying is also a migration decision, and it is more likely in homes in which women have greater authority. From a policy perspective, the results suggest that Mexican migration is influenced not only by increases in household resources but also by which members of the household control them.
What is HBPB in Canada?
We explored the particularities of the Healthy Baby Prenatal Benefit (HBPB), an unconditional cash transfer program for low-income pregnant women in Manitoba, Canada, which aims to connect recipients with prenatal care and community support programs, and help them access healthy foods during pregnancy. While previous studies have shown associations between HBPB and improved birth outcomes, here we focus on how the intervention contributed to positive outcomes. Using a case study design, we collected data from government and program documents and interviews with policy makers, academics, program staff, and recipients of HBPB. Key informants identified using evidence and aligning with government priorities as key facilitators to the implementation of HBPB. Program recipients described how HBPB helped them improve their nutrition, prepare for baby, and engage in self-care to moderate the effect of stressful life events. This study provides important contextualized evidence to support government decision making on healthy child development policies.
What is unitary versus collective model?
In contrast to the unitary model, the collective model posits that individuals within households have different preferences and do not pool their income. Moreover, the collective model predicts that intrahousehold allocations reflect differences in preferences and "bargaining power" of individuals within the household. Using new household data sets from Bangladesh, Indonesia, Ethiopia, and South Africa, we present measures of individual characteristics that are highly correlated with bargaining power, namely human capital and in ividually-controlled assets, evaluated at the time of marriage. In all country case studies we reject the unitary model as a description of household behavior, but to different degrees. Results suggest that assets controlled by women have a positive and significant effect on expenditure allocations toward the next generation, such as education and children's clothing. We also examine individual-level education outcomes and find that parents do not have identical preferences toward sons and daughters within or across countries.
What is the purpose of measuring progress in therapy?
Measuring progress or effectiveness during the course of therapy allows a client and therapist to discuss what seems to be working, what doesn't seem to be working, and any need for adjustments to the treatment ( e.g., different approach, different focus, different therapist, or even an intervention other than therapy) if it is not helping.
What is proof of effectiveness?
The proof of effectiveness is in the measured outcomes, e.g., student test scores, lowered blood pressure, or in the case of therapy, concrete measures of progress, effectiveness, and outcome. 1.
Is therapy a process?
Therapy has often been considered a mysterious, emotional, intuitive, and powerful process that is difficult to quantify. These conceptions of therapy can all be true, but they do not and should not preclude simple, useful efforts to measure or track your progress in therapy. You do not have to fully understand the process ...
How many sessions are needed for a syringe?
Therapy that works isn’t a one-shot deal, but it can be short-term. 1 At least four to eight sessions are needed, and more sessions may be necessary if the problems are many or complex.
How do you know if therapy is moving in the right direction?
Another significant sign that therapy is moving in the right direction are behavioral changes. For instance, you’re leaving unwanted habits behind. Another example: You went to therapy to work on self-assertiveness. Now, you’re taking the initiative more often than before.
How to be a unique person?
You’re a unique person with a unique set of circumstances and issues. What’s right for another person may not be right for you. Don’t put a limit on what’s needed for you to feel better. Take your time to work through your issues, giving yourself as much time as you need.
What is the meaning of "better sense of satisfaction"?
A better sense of satisfaction with your life is a positive milestone that treatment is helping you make good progress. You now feel that you’re getting more out of life. Better life satisfaction is also a motivator for you to keep up the good work.
What is a NiMH battery?
Nickel-metal hydride (NiMH) batteries are related to sealed nickel-cadmium batteries (Table 32.4) and only differ from them in that, instead of cadmium, hydrogen is used as the active element at a hydrogen-absorbing negative electrode (anode). This electrode is made from a metal hydride, usually alloys of lanthanum and rare earths (LiNi5 or ZrNi2) that serve as a solid source of reduced hydrogen that can be oxidized to form protons.1,10,11 In properly designed systems, hydrides can provide a storage sink of hydrogen that can reversibly react in battery cell chemistry. The most common cells that use hydride cathodes carry over the nickel anodes from NiCad cell designs. These cells typically have an electrolyte of a diluted solution of potassium hydroxide, which is alkaline in nature. Substituting hydrides for cadmium in battery cells has several advantages: (a) the environmentally undesirable cadmium is eliminated, which, in turn, removes the constraints on cell manufacture, usage, and disposal imposed because of concerns over cadmium toxicity; (b) the elimination of cadmium also means that the cells are free from the memory effect that plagues NiCad cells; (c) hydrogen is so much better as a cathode material that cells based on nickel and metal hydrides have a storage density about 50% higher than NiCads. In practical terms, it means that cells of the same size and about the same weight can power a notebook computer for about 50% longer; and (d) its incorporation into products currently using NiCads because of the many design similarities between the two chemistries is possible.1,11
What are the two main classes of batteries?
Batteries are broadly divided into two main classes, namely: (a) primary batteries or cells , which irreversibly (within limits of practicality) transform chemical energy into electrical energy. This happens because of the exhaustion of the initial supply of reactants to the extent that energy cannot be readily restored to the battery by electrical means. In other words, primary batteries are one-way batteries that create new electricity from chemical reaction that permanently transforms the cells. As a consequence, the anode, cathode, and electrolyte are permanently and irreversibly changed and the batteries are disposed of. For this reason, primary batteries are often also referred to as either disposable or nonrechargeable batteries.1,4 (b) Secondary batteries or cells, which may be recharged when their chemical reactions are reversed by applying electrical energy to the cells, thereby restoring their original composition. In essence, rather than operating as producers of power, the secondary batteries merely store it. For that matter, they are often called storage batteries or simply rechargeable batteries. Despite this seemingly inexhaustible capacity to store energy, secondary batteries are not indefinitely rechargeable. This loss of rechargeability is due to dissipation of the active materials, loss of electrolyte, and internal corrosion.1
What is battery cell?
32.1.1 Historical, Cultural, and Battery Technology Development battery cell comprised an iron rod that fits into a copper cylinder. Presumably some fluid, which served as an electrolyte, escaped preservation. Notwithstanding its simplicity, such a cell would have provided current to permit primitive jewelers to electroplate precious metals and make copper shine either like gold or as silver.1 Although such archeological evidence provides us with some glimpse into the far past, the history of modern-day battery development begins in the 1780s with the discovery of "animal electricity" by Luigi Galvani (1737-1798), which he published in 1791. This Italian anatomist and physician observed that muscles of a frog's leg would contract when jolted with a static electrical spark delivered from a Leyden jar. In further experiments in bioelectro-genesis, as the knee-jerk reaction came to be called, Galvani noticed that the frog's leg would also react to two different metals being applied to the muscle.1 This behavior was also observed when a dead frog's leg was used in the experiment. From these series of experiments, Galvani deduced that the muscle was producing electricity. It is therefore not surprising that his name has since become intimately associated with electricity to the extent that the process of producing electricity by chemical reaction is termed galvanism.1
Who invented the battery?
However, the first enduring invention came from Gaston Planté; then working in France, he developed the first lead-acid storage batteries in 1859 (Figure 32.2a) for use in telegraph equipment.1,2 Notably, Planté's device was not only the first successful storage cell, but was also rechargeable.
What are batteries made of?
Batteries are made up of a positive electrode, a negative electrode, and an electrolytic solution. Battery types differ from each other in the chemical processes involved in the conversion of chemical energy into electrical energy. In essence, the manufacturing process of all batteries covers the making of the positive and negative electrodes, the electrolyte materials, the separators, and the materials that would be used as housing of a complete battery. In addition, the process of conversion of chemical energy into electrical energy in all battery types involves the charge and discharge reactions. During these two reactions the electrolyte plays an active role in the two electrodes. For instance, when lead-acid cells are discharged, the lead dioxide (PbO2) of the positive electrode and sponge lead (Pb) of the negative electrode are both converted to lead sulfate (PbSO4). On charge, the lead sulfate in the positive electrode is converted to lead dioxide (PbO^) and the lead sulfate in the negative electrode is converted to sponge lead. The electrolyte, sulfuric acid, is an active component in the reactions at both electrodes. The basic process of battery manufacture may be performed either manually or by using highly automated machines. The type of process used depends on the size of the company, and its manufacturing capacity. Further, various methods are used all over the world in the manufacture of different parts of a battery, which are firmly linked to the type and electrochemistry of the battery being manufactured. While a few of the major battery manufacturers make their own alloy, oxides, separators, and containers/covers, most of them purchase rather than fabricate these materials.3
What is the difference between anode and cathode?
In a number of battery types, the anode may be a pure metal, an alloy, or a metal salt, while the cathode may be metal oxide or a mixture of oxides of metals and other elements. Therefore, production of electrodes involves various raw materials that must be processed to the required standards.
What is a lithium-iron battery?
The lithium-iron disulfide battery, also known as voltage-compatible lithium battery, is a sandwich of a lithium anode, a separator, and an iron disulfide cathode with an aluminum cathode collector. Unlike other lithium technologies, lithium-iron disulfide cells are not rechargeable. Compared to the alkaline cells, lithium-iron disulfide cells are lighter (weighing about 66% of same-size alkaline cells), higher in capacity, and longer in life. Even after 10 years of shelf storage, lithium-iron disulfide cells still retain most of their capacity. Lithium-iron disulfide cells operate best under heavier loads. In addition, they can supply power for about 260% the time of a same-size alkaline cell, when used under high-current applications. On the contrary, this advantage is lost at lower loads and at very light loads where such a capacity may disappear entirely. Lithium-iron disulfide cells may be used wherever zinc-carbon batteries are used, although they are cost effective only under high-current loads such as in flashlights, motor-driven devices, and powerful electronics. They are not a wise choice for clocks and portable radios.1
